Due to large scale feminist interventions, abortion up until the 24th week has been legal in Colombia since 2022. A pregnant person is supposed to be able to get an abortion without any reasons, no questions asked.
In mid-sized cities like Pereira, stigma, misinformation, and medical authorities continue to operate as mechanisms of control over -mostly female- bodies.
donate nowDue to large scale feminist interventions, abortion up until the 24th week has been legal in Colombia since 2022. A pregnant person is supposed to be able to get an abortion without any reasons, no questions asked.
Due to large scale feminist interventions, abortion up until the 24th week has been legal in Colombia since 2022. A pregnant person is supposed to be able to get an abortion without any reasons, no questions asked. However, the implementation of a free and safe abortion faces institutional, social, and cultural resistance. In mid-sized cities like Pereira, stigma, misinformation, and medical authorities continue to operate as mechanisms of control over -mostly female- bodies.
Ever since the establishment of the law safeguarding the legal right to an abortion until the 24th week, it has faced much resistance. Harassment, demonstrations near clinics and obvious misinformation campaigns were all employed against people who choose for an abortion and those who provide them.
Most recently, and most worryingly, the new president’s political party, the so called ‘Defenders of the Homeland’ -a far right party- has come into power. This party bases itself on traditional ‘Judeo-Christian principles and values’ and deeply opposes LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights and, of course, abortions.
The action group Útera Casa Feminista initially wanted to rally for truly safe access to abortions around the 8th of March, Internation Women’s Day. However, as that fell right in the middle of the presidential elections campaign, they had to postpone the actions several times. During this period, social movements and feminist organizations experienced increased hostility and violence from ‘Defenders of the Homeland’ supporters. As such, the safety of the activists could not be guaranteed.
At a later moment they could, fortunately, raise awareness of the importance of legal and safe abortions. They did this by first assembling members of Útera Casa Feminista and allied collectives to define priority political messages regarding the right to abortion and feminist support pathways. These meetings drew on local research—such as their “safe abortion” handbook—and established criteria for safety, self-care, and strategic zones for urban intervention.
Collective design sessions followed, where they created slogans and graphics specifically tailored for stenciling. Based on these designs, reusable stencils were be crafted by hand, and complementary posters were be produced to reinforce the messages in locations where painting directly onto surfaces was not feasible.
The central action consisted of a day of urban stencil interventions carried out in a decentralized way across various points in the city of Pereira. During this event, small groups simultaneously intervened in different sectors to expand the action’s reach, minimize risks, and contest public space as a site of patriarchal and institutional control over bodies.
It created a space where people could come together not only to learn and create urban graphic art through stencil-making, but also to reflect collectively on the defence of our rights as women and gender-diverse people. It allowed them to openly discuss abortion rights, the importance of providing abortion buddies, and how taking direct action in public spaces is in itself a form of resistance against the fascist wave Colombia is currently facing.
The action group will continue supporting people seeking abortions, promoting public education on abortion rights, and carrying out advocacy and direct actions that contribute to protecting these rights and that strengthening their community.
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